Text written by the three imprisoned members of Revolutionary Struggle about the trial of the organization which will start on October 5, 2011 (Greece) CLIK ON Poster…


Revolutionary Struggle trial solidarity zine


‘Revolution is the only solution
for the complete exit from the crisis’

A collection of letters, texts and communiqués from the armed group Revolutionary Struggle and their accused. Released during their current trial in Athens and intended to be one more nail in the coffin of the legitimacy of the State and the capitalist system.


by Actforfreedomnow – BoubourAs

Friday, October 28, 2011

Solidarity demonstration in Brussels with the comrades of “Revolutionary Struggle”‏

Actforfreedomnow!  receives and transmits :
October 25, 2011

Greece: Trial against “Revolutionary Struggle”

The trial of the eight alleged members of anarchist “Revolutionary Struggle”, finally began yesterday before the Special Criminal Court of Appeal set up within the walls of Korydallos prison near Athens. Originally due to begin October 5, the trial was postponed to allow one of the accused, Katsenos Costas, who handed himself in to the authorities at the beginning of the month, to prepare his appearance.

Costas Katsenos is the only one of the eight accused currently in custody, the three main defendants (those who claim membership of “Revolutionary Struggle”) – Nikos Maziotis, his wife Panayota Roupa, and Konstantinos Gournas, having been recently released in conditional liberty upon the expiry of 18 months of their period of detention. All the accused have refused to testify before the special court of three judges. Nikos Maziotis read a text before the court, which noted that the trial was political and should be judging the politicians, bankers and capital, which are the origin of social robbery. “Revolutionary Struggle” is a political organization more relevant than ever, hurled Nikos Maziotis.
The defendants face heavy penalties of up to life imprisonment. The trial will resume on November 1 and should last at least until the end of December.
Fifteen people gathered on Tuesday afternoon at the Greek Embassy in Brussels to show their solidarity with the defendants of “Revolutionary Struggle”.


25 octobre 2011

Grèce : Début du procès contre “Lutte Révolutionnaire”

Le procès de huit anarchistes membres présumés de “Lutte révolutionnaire”, a finalement commencé hier devant la cour d’appel criminelle spéciale installée dans l’enceinte de la prison de Korydallos près d’Athènes. Devant initialement commencer le 5 octobre, le procès avait été reporté afin de permettre à un de ces accusé, Costas Katsenos, qui s’était rendu au début du mois aux autorités, de préparer sa comparution.
Costas Katsenos est le seul de huit accusés actuellement en détention provisoire, les trois principaux accusés (ceux qui revendiquent leur appartenance à “Lutte Révolutionnaire”) -Nikos Maziotis, sa femme Panayota Roupa, et Konstantinos Gournas-, ayant été placés tout récemment en liberté conditionnelle à l’expiration des 18 mois de leur période de détention provisoire. Tous les accusés ont refusé de déposer devant la cour spéciale, composée de trois juges. Nikos Maziotis a lu un texte devant la cour, qui soulignait que le procès était politique et qu’il fallait juger les politiciens, les banquiers et le capital, qui sont à l’origine du braquage social. “Lutte Révolutionnaire” est une organisation politique plus actuelle que jamais, a lancé Nikos Maziotis. Les accusés risquent de lourdes peines allant jusqu’à la prison à vie. Le procès doit reprendre le 1er novembre et devrait durer au moins jusqu’à la fin décembre.
Une quinzaine de personnes se sont rassemblée ce mardi après-midi devant l’ambassade de Grèce à Bruxelles pour manifester leur solidarité avec les inculpés de “lutte Révolutionnaire”.

Thursday, October 20, 2011

Revolutionary Struggle: Solidarity to Andrea ‘Andi’ Stauffacher

Dear comrades,
We, the imprisoned fighters of the guerrilla group Revolutionary Struggle, express our solidarity with comrade Andi, member of the Revolutionärer Aufbau in Switzerland and the Secours Rouge International (International Red Aid), who is accused for arsons by the Swiss State.
Any incrimination of a comrade, anywhere in the world, is incrimination of all who fight against the Capital and the State.
In our struggle it is important to develop international solidarity, especially among the fighters, in our era where the war carried out by the international financial elite, the States and the governments against the people to support the current capitalist system is aggravated because of repression and state terrorism.
International solidarity is a relationship that not only connects and continues our struggle, but can also lay the foundation for the creation of an international revolutionary movement, the organization of which is now more necessary than ever, and can benefit from the present systemic crisis to attempt the overthrow of the current capitalist system and the State.
International solidarity is a necessary condition for worldwide social revolution.

No prosecution against comrade Andi
Freedom to all imprisoned fighters in the world

Pola Roupa, Kostas Gournas, Nikos Maziotis
(Translated from Italian > ch.indymedia > culmine, September 26th, 2011)
Zurich: Banner in solidarity with Andrea Stauffacher by ‘Gruppe für eine antikapitalistische Praxis’
Beginning of the trial against Andi: September 28th, 2011, 10.15 am, Viale Stefano Franscini 3, 6500 Bellinzona, Switzerland

Athens: Manifestations in solidarity with comrades imprisoned and persecuted for the Revolutionary Struggle case and in memory of Lambros Foundas

On October 1st, at 12 pm comrades attended a solidarity gathering PA’s [mikrofoniki] in Syntagma Square where also texts were distributed for over an hour regarding the upcoming trial of the Revolutionary Struggle case.
Nearly 3,000 people marched down central streets of Athens in solidarity with the imprisoned members of the R.O. Revolutionary Struggle Pola Roupa, Kostas Gournas and Nikos Maziotis, as well as the persecuted for the same case Christoforos Kortesis, Sarantos Nikitopoulos, Vaggelis Stathopoulos, Marie Beracha and Kostas Katsenas (who is not a fugitive anymore). Militant slogans were chanted such as ‘The States are the only terrorists! Solidarity with the guerrilla fighters!’ and ‘Lambros [Foundas] lives inside every fighter’s heart’.
The trial of the Revolutionary Struggle case will begin on Wednesday, October 5th, at 9 am in the special court of Koridallos dungeons. It is now more than necessary to show international solidarity with our comrades.

Berlin: Attack against Deutsche Telekom in solidarity with Revolutionary Struggle

During the night to October 3rd, we made a gift to the German economy. We attacked several vehicles with incendiaries at a site of Deutsche Telekom in Lichtenberg, Berlin. We selected the date for this action in reference to the trial against the organization Revolutionary Struggle which begins on October 5th in Athens.
We stand in solidarity with the actions of the Revolutionary Struggle and demand the release of Kostas Gournas, Panagiota ‘Pola’ Roupa, Nikos Maziotis and all other comrades who are imprisoned.
The option of armed struggle within autonomous and radical leftist forms of resistance should always be maintained but must not be led to isolation from other forms of actions and movements.
Here, there is no movement willing and able to back up the possibility of armed struggle. For this reason, there aren’t any guerrilla groups in Germany at the moment.
However, the levels of resistance in Europe need to refer to each other in order to fight the project of the European superpower more effectively.
The troika set the privatization of state-owned enterprises as a condition for further credit loans to the Greek State. Within this framework, Deutsche Telekom has overtaken large shares of the Greek telecommunications organization OTE at times of hoped economic upturn. Since OTE’s profits did not rise up to the anticipated amount, [its largest shareholder] Deutsche Telekom plans to launch layoffs and massive wage cuts against the employees. Also, Telekom specifies the payments to early retirees as a ‘burden’ in its balance sheet. Deutsche Telekom speculates via this pressure to acquire OTE’s remaining shares, and thus completely overtake the company from the Greek State, in order to obtain the absolute supremacy. The example of this multinational corporation marks the inhuman capitalistic exploitation logic very well.
Furthermore, Telekom is involved through a security partnership with the police and the army in the comprehensive surveillance at Germany and abroad.
Our attack was also meant to support the strikes among the employees and workers in Greece, and to merge the struggle of the anarchist movement across the borders.
We hope that this action will also encourage others to participate actively in a militant perspective.
We commemorate Lambros Foundas who was shot dead by cops
in his struggle for freedom.

‘Propagandists of the Deed’ (Propagandisten der Tat)
Source: linksunten




I send you my support and hopes of strength for the trial.
A spectacle set up by corrupt judges, cops and politicians.
In the north, we will raise a clenched fist through the barred windows of the English
prisons, high towards the sky.
Never losing sight of our goal.
Sharing dreams of freedom and victory.
With determination and courage, united we will succeed.
No one is free until all are free.

Fire to the prisons and the states that create them.
T. Blak


Σας στέλνω την υποστήριξή μου και τις ελπίδες δύναμης για τη δίκη.
Ένα θέαμα που έχει στηθεί από διεφθαρμένους δικαστές, μπάτσους και πολιτικούς.
Στο βορρά, θα υψώσουμε μια σφιγμένη γροθιά μέσα απʼτα κάγκελα των παραθύρων των Αγγλικών φυλακών, ψηλά προς τον ουρανό.
Ποτέ μην λησμονείτε τον στόχο μας.
Ας μοιραστούμε τα όνειρα της ελευθερίας και της νίκης.
Με αποφασιστικότητα και θάρρος, ενωμένοι θα πετύχουμε.
Κανείς δεν είναι ελεύθερος έως ότου όλοι να είναι ελεύθεροι.
Φωτιά στις φυλακές και στα κράτη που τις δημιουργούν.
T. Blak

IRF Bristol claims attack against Law Courts in solidarity with Revolutionary Struggle (UK)

10 & 11 October 2011
On the night of Monday 10 October, the windows of Bristol Magistrates Court were smashed and ‘FIGHT BACK’ sprayed on the front of the building. On the night of Tuesday 11 October, the windows of Bristol Civil Justice Centre were smashed.
One of many reasons these buildings were attacked was in solidarity with people persecuted after the riots. These attacks were part of the struggle against power, a struggle that flared up again in August as people fought police and attacked police stations, cop cars and courts as well as so much else.
Now the state is trying to make an example of the small percentage of rebels they’ve managed to catch – and is threatening collective punishment of families and households. Cracks are showing in the myth of democratic social consensus as authority, under attack, resorts to more naked force. They’re trying to frighten the rest of us back into quiet obedience – but it’s not going to work.
It should be obvious by now that we’re not acting in order to ask for some kind of reformed, more ‘just’ replacement for this – or anything else – within this democratic society. The borders of democracy are made up of violently enforced racial, economic, social, sexual and governmental structures. Police, courts and prisons are just one part of this. ‘Justice’ has always been about maintaining hierarchies and inequalities through force. The rich always get away with shit while the poor are punished for the slightest transgression.
Physical attacks like these are just one part of the struggle for freedom, whether they’re done in open joy by a crowd of former strangers or quietly in the dark by a small group of friends. At the same time, we struggle to overcome internal hierarchies and the cops in all of our heads. Much more is possible.
This action was done with thoughts of N Maziotis, P Roupa, K Gournas, C Kortessis, V Stathopoulos, S Nikitopoulos and M Beracha, standing trial far from here from October 24, accused of participation in Revolutionary Struggles exemplary contribution to the fires that burn in Athens for many years with words and deeds: our struggle is one. Solidarity with the accused of that case who is still uncaptured and with every social fighter forced into clandestinity- stay free and stay fighting! Power has not won.
Nothing has ended, everything has begun.

International Revolutionary Front – some Bristol participants.

Wednesday, October 12, 2011

Barcelona, Spain: Bomb warning against the Greek consulate in solidarity with Revolutionary Struggle

   from:   http://en.contrainfo.espiv.net/2011/10/05/barcelona-spain-bomb-warning-against-the-greek-consulate-in-solidarity-with-revolutionary-struggle/

Barcelona, ​​October 5th, 2011
19.30 GMT+1, bomb alert in the Greek consulate in solidarity with Epanastatikos Agonas (Revolutionary Struggle).
We demand the unconditional release of N.Maziotis, P.Roupa, K.Gournas, Ch.Kortesis, V.Stathopoulos, S.Nikitopoulos and M.Beraha.
We are going to win.
Subversive struggle
updates also here: barcelona.indymedia.org

Wednesday, August 3, 2011

International Call for Solidarity with the Revolutionary Struggle The 5th of October 11 has been set as the day that the trial of the Revolutionary Organization Revolutionary Struggle will begin.

The 5th of October has been set as the day that the  trial of the Revolutionary Organization Revolutionary Struggle will begin. The trial will take place in the court room of Koridallos prisons.
Eight accused will stand trial, who according to a recent order of the Council of Appeals will be tried for participation in the organization.
Accused in the case of the Revolutionary Struggle are: N. Maziotis, P. Roupa, K. Gournas, Ch. Kortesis,V. Stathopoulos,S. Nikitopoulos, K. K., (not arrested his on run) and M. Beraha (K.Gournas wife).

The first three accused, Maziotis, Roupa and Gournas have taken responsibility for the organization and remain imprisoned, but in mid October the 18month detention period expires. The rest of the accused are free.
Kortesis, Stathopoulos and Nikitopoulos were released from prison on terms recently, after two decisions of the council of Judges of appeals, since the Supreme Court applied a recantation on the first and another was made that ratified the decisions of the appeals judges.

The charges of each individual concern the felonies of constitution and participation in a terrorist organisation, supply manufacture and possession of explosive materials, explosions and numerous attempted homicides.



Friday, July 8, 2011

Attempted re-incarceration of three anarchists in Greece averted: E. Stathopoulos, Ch. Kortesis and S. Nikitopoulos remain free on bail pending trial 

Posted on June 17, 2011 by

The Appeals Committee issued a decision today, according to which the three anarchists charged in relation to the Revolutionary Struggle should not be re-incarcerated. The attempted juridical coup d’etat would see anarchists Stathopoulos, Kortesis and Nikitopoulos sent back to prison, despite the supposedly irreversible previous court decision for their release on bail.
The three had been released since April this year under bail conditions.

SOLIDARITY POSTER: TO THE anarchists Christoforos Kortesis, Sarantos Nikitopoulos and Bagelis Stathopoulos -CLIK ON….


We the tenebrous, we the terrorists (About the arson attack against fighters on June 7th)(athens-greece)

Posted on June 15, 2011 by

Targeted attack with double recipient

http://en.contrainfo.espiv.net/2011/06/15/we-the-tenebrous-we-the-terrorists-about-the-arson-attack-against-fighters-on-june-7th/On June 7th, at 4.30 after midnight an arson attack was acted out against my mother’s car that I drove lately, since the police refuses to return my vehicle after 14 months, which is held on the pretext of investigation. Along with my mother’s private car, a targeted attack took place against the motorcycle of my childhood friend and comrade who had the misfortune that I let the car to him for a few days.
undefinedundefinedThe attack came shortly before dawn, just below my friend’s house which is only a block away from the police station of the neighbourhood. Specifically, a black car, Jeep type with tinted windows and no plates (reminds you of something?) stopped alongside the narrow street, where the co-driver got down and threw a large quantity of flammable liquid on both vehicles, having ensured to place rags soaked in flammable liquid at the headlight of the motorcycle while he left a large jerry can on the roof of my mother’s car.
This resulted in the burning down of both vehicles, whereas the great fire and the high heat caused also damage to a neighbour’s private car that was parked about four metres away. Needless to say that the police appeared at least ten minutes after the incident —although the multi-force police station of Nikaia is located only 50 metres afar.
It should be mentioned here that when my mother and my friend went to file a charge against persons unknown, the police department of Nikaia declined to register any complaint, and stated that the incident did not take place in its jurisdiction.
This arson attack had two recipients. On the one hand, it is a blow which aimed to terrorize the struggles and the fighters; on the other hand, it aimed to intimidate directly me and my close relatives and friends, in order to decline any resistance. They believe that this will be possible by isolating and terrorizing anyone who stands by my side. When this becomes unfeasible, the mechanisms’ vindictive fury reveals itself in all its glory.
At this point, I should add that I have been consistently harassed both in the past and the present via close watch over while there were threats against me but also against my intimate and social circle. In particular, this friend of mine has been systematically monitored, and they did not hesitate to threaten him that they will charge him with the heaviest accusations and to ultimately proceed to an arson attack below his house, where he lives with his partner and his only 2.5 year old child.
A man who pays the price of a childhood friendship and the comradeship that he showed while I was imprisoned.
Now draw your own conclusions.
Because I will not stop speaking out and resisting against the State and the mechanisms of organized violence, I declare them responsible for what shall happen to me, my family, my friends and my comrades.
The terrorism has not passed neither will pass.
Vaggelis Stathopoulos

Denouncement of the arson attack by G.Ch.

Before starting this denouncement, I wish to clarify that I am associated through childhood friendship with Vaggelis Stathopoulos whom they have tried to associate with the organization of the Revolutionary Struggle —with his comradely relations and his subversive action being their sole ‘evidence.’
For this reason, more than one year I’ve been under close observation in such a way that refers more to bullying rather than a hidden surveillance. I have been clearly threatened by the police in numerous occasions. I have been stopped in some demonstrations/gatherings, and have been told to either stop attending these, otherwise, legal proceedings or they will frame me up with heavy charges.
I have received ‘friendly’ recommendations even for wearing black clothes. Although I’ve been systematically monitored, this surveillance stopped ‘incidentally’ for 3–4 days.
All of a sudden, on the same day that Vaggelis let the car to me I stopped seeing policemen at the corners of my street. On Tuesday, June 7th, at 4.30am I heard from the first floor, in the apartment where I live, liquids flowing as if someone were emptying a bucket of water sequentially on the street. Within a few seconds, I saw from the living room of my home a huge flash that turned the night into day.
I got out to the balcony where I saw my motorbike and the car of my friend’s mother on fire. At the same time, in the nearby street I saw a black car, Jeep type with tinted windows and no plates; the driver yelled ‘quick! — quick!’ and a guy entered this vehicle right before they speed away.
Strangely enough, the multi-force police department of Nikaia which is just a street block away from my house, acted as if nothing had happened; policemen finally appeared about ten minutes later. When the fire truck arrived – thirty minutes later – both vehicles were entirely burnt. During the incident, the neighbours and I were trying unsuccessfully to extinguish the fire by using four hoses.
The arson and the subsequent big fire also damaged the rear cabin of a neighbor’s car which was parked at least four metres from the vehicles ablaze.
While the neighbours and I were striving to put out the fire so as to not extend further and the car of my friend’s mother along with my motorbike was completely destroyed, the police officers started to ask questions related to the arson. My answer was: ‘ask your Service; they know better.’
The next day, after I had already testified to the fire department, I went to the police station of Nikaia with my friend’s mother to file a charge against persons unknown where they told us that they had no jurisdiction on this matter.
For me it is a clear message with multiple recipients. It’s enough to say that I have no personal disputes with no one. I lead a peaceful day to day life and I live with my partner and my 2.5 year old child, for whom I am worried.
The original Greek texts that are distributed

June 8th: Inmates’ letter from the Greek prisons, in solidarity to the persecuted for the Revolutionary Struggle case

Posted on June 14, 2011 by
‘The insurgents are right’
On Thursday, June 9th, 2011, the three anarchist fighters Sarantos Nikitopoulos, Vaggelis Stathopoulos, Christoforos Kortesis are confronted with a juridical paradox. After an appeal filed by the advocate of the Supreme Court [Areios Pagos], the Appellate Judges Council [Symvoulio Efeton] of Athens (following orders from above) is prepared to re-judge the fate of their physical liberty –although all three of them were recently released on bail after a decree issued by the same council.
The juridical barbarity reveals itself from this truth: the above mentioned were released from prison two months ago as they were not considered suspects of escaping from the country, therefore the annihilating measure of pre-trial detention was not extended beyond their 12-month incarceration (according to the law, such a prolongation would require extraordinary justification). Nevertheless, the question of an extension of their already expired pre-trial detention was introduced – unlawfully and afterwards – for discussion once more!
Despite the recovery of the physical liberty of the three, this liberty remains under question making them everyday hostages of the vindictive moods of the prosecution and judiciary authority!
It seems that the growing intensity of suppression, recorded also in ‘legislative’ terms during the recent years, is now served by a new type of judicial police that practically repeals even the very law which limits its scope. In hysteria to spread fear among people, the State itself is so dominated by phobia towards the social struggles and militant fighters…
We inmates of Greek prisons who conflict with judicial and punitive arbitrariness, will not allow any psychological rape to any of us. We demand the immediate halt of any juridical mockery against the three, and against anyone who experiences excruciatingly the ridicule by the alleged Justice.
Complete freedom for Sarantos Nikitopoulos, Vaggelis Stathopoulos, Christoforos Kortesis who are accused of participation in the Revolutionary Struggle and deny all accusations against them.
Discharge of any legal dispute and non indictment for Sarantos Nikitopoulos, Vaggelis Stathopoulos, Christoforos Kortesis, Marie Beracha, Nikos Malapanis –because completely ‘randomly and coincidentally’ on the same day the Appellate Judges Council shall examine which defendants to indict to the Revolutionary Struggle trial.
Freedom to the members of the Revolutionary Struggle, Pola Roupa, Nikos Maziotis, Kostas Gournas.
The inmates from various Greek prisons: Michalis Traipakis, Alekos Kossyvas, Spyros Stratoulis, Dany Carabulea, Aris Seirinidis, Simos Seisidis, Sophocles Nigdelis, Vaggelis Pallis, Elias Caraduman, Dimitris Fessas, Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis, Giorgos Karagiannidis, Yannis Dimitrakis, Charalambos Avramidis, Kostas Sakkas
Source: athens.indymedia


Posted on June 6, 2011 by

The three comrades Christoforos Kortesis, Sarantos Nikitopoulos and Vaggelis Stathopoulos who are accused for participation in the urban guerrilla group ‘Revolutionary Strugglebut have repeatedly denied all charges against them, have now received summons for Thursday, June 9th, at 10am ordering them to (re)present before the Appellate Judges Council that will (re)decide whether ‘to extend the pretrial detention or not.’
On the same day at 12.30, the defense lawyers of all persons involved in the same case have been called to present before the council which will issue the decree for the trial, judging who will be brought to trial and on what charges.
The juridical manipulative approach (or otherwise ‘orders from above’) for the re-imprisonment of the three anarchists, is now more than visible. What do the judges mean by the phrase ‘to extend the pretrial detention or not’ given the fact that the comrades are no longer in pretrial detention but were released on bail nearly two months ago, after an unanimous and (supposedly under the State laws) irrevocable decision issued by the Appellate Judges Council?
Does the Appellate Judges Council forget (?) to indicate that they will not decide but re-decide? It’ll be the second time (unprecedented in legal history records) that the same issue will be examined (it seems that the first judgment did not ‘fit’ in the imaginative scenarios which the anti-terrorist unit has set up regarding the three comrades). In fact, already their imprisonment has lasted twelve months, and the State laws stipulate that no council has jurisdiction to re-imprison them until they face trial.

Counter-information and solidarity microphonics gathering
Sunday, June 5th, 4pm, Propylaea, Athens
Thursday, June 9th, 9.30am, Court of Appeals, Loukareos Str., Athens


Letter from Christoforos Kortesis About the unprecedented juridicial approach of my (re) imprisonment (greece)

Posted on May 30, 2011 by

About the unprecedented juridicial approach of my (re) imprisonment 

Freedom the dignity as a field to hold games of power 
or alternatively… juridicial coup d’etat in the modern democracy (junta?)

One year after my cinematographic arrest and my imprisonment with the charge of particiation in the organisation Revolutionary Struggle and of each separate action of it, without extravagances and drum sounds came my release with a unanimous decision of the Council of Judges of appeals of Athens (6-04-2011). A decision that to me tends to brings my case to its real dimensions (complete lack of evidence against me), besides the initial cinematographic police-juridicial production.

From the beginning I denied all charges against me, disputing a prosecution that has as a sole base my subversive action, my comrade and friendly relations, my refusal to enter the logic of condemning any revolutionary practice, and finally the intention of the authorities to create a “dead area” around the comrades that materialise their own choice to go against the regime with the practice of urban guerrilla. 

Being “free” for just one month, I was informed accidentally that the public prosecutor of the Supreme Court asked, without even notifying me or my advocates, to reverse the decision with which I was released, beacuse it does not mention concrete evidence from my life, from which it results that… I am not dangerous or a suspect to carry out other (?) offences. The fact that they never did bother to justify the precise opposite, because, that is to say, I was imprisoned from the start, i guess thats normal… In the best way, Mr Ioannis Tendes, public prosecutor of the Supreme Court comes to confirm my perception that my invovement in  the case exceeds its penal character and comes to give it its real characteristics: the by all means (“formaly” or “irregularly”) political prosecution of an opponent of their regime. 

The Supreme Court, willingly, and after it rejected my demand to be present at the discussion, with an unprecedented in the legal chronicles move, cancelled with its decision (19-05-2011) the decision of release and asks the council to re-decide my luck. In other words, when the decisions of their own councils are not good enough for them, so much worse for the… decisions. 

In their hurry to lock me up in prison again, “they forgot” what their own laws clearly say: that the decision is irrevocable, since 12months have passed from the beginning of my temporary detainment, no council has any juristiction on the matter anymore. Simply they ask to find any “legal solution” that will send me back to prison. It is obvious that the decision of the council that released me was for them unexpected as well as annoying, threatening at the same time the structure that was set up for the prosecutions concerning the organization Revolutionary Struggle. 

And as we said… justice allowes them to be “independent” when the decisions are liked by the “superiors” (inside and ouside the borders) or atleast when they do not cause problems and shake the police plannings. And this time the message is attempted to be given on the backs of people, of which their freedom becomes a field to hold “games of power”. Let me not guess how an “above” order to re-imprison me will influence, the “unbiased” judges that will judge me soon. 

Not expecting anything better from people that as an anarchist I consider my political opponents, I remain in the battle osition that always defined my life…

Christoforos Kortesis
Posted on May 26, 2011 by
Briefing from the solidarity and counter-information gathering that took place today (24th) on the pavement outside the Athens law School building for the methodical attempt of re-imprisoning the 3 anarchist comrades -athens -greece

A crowd of comrades with solidarity assembled this morning a little after 12.00noon, where a sound system was set up and thousands of keafkets we siven out. A mass fly-posting followed in the central streets of Athens.
On Monday (23rd ) dozens of comrades carried out an intervention of counter-information at Evelpidon courts, where a relative text was given out.
The 3 anarchist comrades Vaggelis Stathopoulos, Sarandos Nikitopoulos and Christoforos Kortesis, who are accused in the Revolutionary Struggle case and who from the first moment denied the charges, remained in prison for one year (from 10/04/2010). On the 5th April 2011 in the frame of the forecasted juridical procedure (the 12month detention period had passed), the council of judges of appeals decided unanimously and irrevocably on their release.
On the 12th of May the Supreme Court, with unprecedented in the legal chronicles and in secret move, cancels the decision of the council, methodisizing their re-imprisonment. The Supreme Court, judging that the thought of release wasn’t “justified” (!) sends the matter back to the council of judge of appeal. 


Update from the trial of the 13 arrested after the solidarity action at the house of judge of appeals Baltas 13/4 ATHENS

Posted on April 20, 2011 by

Update from the trial of the 13 arrested after the solidarity action at the house of judge of appeals Baltas
12 of the comrades were charged with mental subscription in distinguished damage (a slogan on the wall with spraypaint) and sentenced to 6 months with a three-year suspension and one to 6 months without suspension because he had a record. He appealed as did the others and they are all out. The comrades had been arrested after a solidarity intervention outside the house of Kostas Baltas who pulls the strings in the cases Revolutionary Struggle and Conspiracy Cells of Fire.

CCTV Toll Gate Generator is Blown Up (Czech Republic)

Posted on April 12, 2011 by

from* jailbreaking.noblogs.org
April 10, 2011
“In the early morning of April 10 we blew up a generator which supplies power to a small toll gate on the D1 highway. As a result, CCTV stationed there was cut off. The state of constant control must not leave us dormant. They treat us like laboratory rats caged in a bleak maze. Due to the public’s resignation they are free to impose an atmosphere of fear as they please. Such an atmosphere of fear and enforcement is accompanied by a ubiquitous supervision carried out by various authorities to keep an eye on those who would feel like breaking free from the vicious circle.
We refuse to come to terms with the pre-packed and pre-designed life.
We refuse to go to work so that the rich can get richer while the poor are forced to live off the crumbs from a rich man’s table.
We refuse to obey and comply.
Solidarity to the imprisoned Chilean anarchists!
Honour to Lambros Foundas!
Smash the State and Capitalism!”
Revoluční boj (Revolutionary Struggle)

Tuesday, May 24, 2011


Briefing concerning the cancellation of the release decisions of S.Nikitopoulos, V.Stathopoulos and Ch.Kortesis Saturday of 21 May, 6.00 P.m., Polytechnic university,
Athens Discussion for actions of solidarity to the 3 anarchist comrades that are accused in the case of Revolutionary Struggle, were released one and a half month ago and the juridical authorities methodize now their re-imprisonment. With yesterday's decision the Supreme Court cancelled the decision of release of the 3 anarchist comrades that are accused for participation in the R.S. Sarantos Nikitopoulos, Christoforos Kortesis and Vaggelis Stathopoulos, who deny from the first moment any charges, were released one and a half month ago with the order of council of appeals. With a unprecedented and hidden movement, the Supreme Court methodizes the re-imprisonment of the comrades, proving one more time the close collaboration of the police and the juridical authorities and the vengeful fury of the regime towards the comrades. From the first moment of their arrest, they have declared their belief that their prosecution is based on their subversive action, their reliable presence for years now in the anarchist movement and on the penalization of fellow relations.
Everyone Saturday 21st of May at 18.00 at the Polytechnic university

Wednesday, May 18, 2011

We take full responsibility for the explosion at the Citibank branch on Lavriou Str. in Nea Ionia (Athens-Greece) on March 9th (2009 GREECE)

Full communique for the explosion at the Citibank branch on Lavriou Str. in Athens

We take full responsibility for the explosion at the Citibank branch on Lavriou Str. in Nea Ionia (Athens-Greece) on March 9th
We take full responsibility for the explosion at the Citibank branch on Lavriou Str. in Nea Ionia (Athens-Greece) on March 9th. Our action followed the attempt of February 18th, when we tried to blow up the Citibank headquarters on Achaias Str. in Kato Kifisia (Athens-Greece) using a car trapped with explosives. The specific operation was part of our organization’s strategic intervention as far as economic crisis and its originators are concerned, among which the international bank capital hold a predominant place. The use of a car trapped with 125 kg of petroleum ammonite was not just aiming at a small range token strike but it was intended to destroy the infrastructure of the particular multi-national company and thus make clear that its presence in the greek territory is endangered. After all, one of the main objectives of a true revolutionary movement as well as an armed organization is to turn a country into a hostile ground for the criminal mechanisms of supranational capital conveyors, such as Citibank.
Before we explain the reason why Citibank was our target and give details about the role it plays within the international financial status, we will refer to certain aspects of the conditions of our act, which in fact made quite a sensation, given that the destruction of infrastructure where massive supplies of explosives are needed was for the first time attempted. The overwhelming majority of journalists, that is, the mercenary pen-pushers who work for the state and their main occupation is to lie, proceeded to a Goebbels-like propaganda and referred to the attempt as a blind strike. They claimed that if the device had exploded, there would have been dozens of dead, while they went on comparing our act to Al Qaeda attacks. However, truth lies in a completely different story.
To begin with, as far as the type of the explosive material is concerned, petroleum ammonite is the least powerful explosive and its force is proportionate to the 60% of the power released from large-scale explosives. The selection of the specific target and way of attack was based on the overall features of the building and the surrounding area. All around Citibank there were no houses whatsoever, whereas the building’s façade on Achaias Str., that is where the trapped car was parked, looked over a non residential area as well. Opposite to the main entrance there was a building under construction and next to Citibank there was also a half-finished building where business offices would be housed. On the side of Troizinias Str. there were no residences, just firms and business offices which, of course, were closed and empty at that time of day. Consequently, houses could be found neither on the block where Citibank stands – after all the said company takes up a whole block by itself – nor on the neighbouring ones or the side where the trapped car was parked. The construction opposite Citibank was blocking the field towards Athinon – Lamias National Road while on the slip road of the highway only business premises could be found. Our decision to enter the bank’s grounds by breaking in the exterior entrance involved a high amount of risk, but in that way we could cause as much damage as possible to the building which would finally absorb the whole of the explosion. The hysterical statements that followed the blow claiming that many of the surrounding buildings could have been destroyed were only intended to spread panic.
Despite the fact that the security guard of the bank noticed us immediately and realized that the premises were under attack, which could only lead him to call the police, we ourselves made a warning call to the newspaper TA NEA. The device was programmed to explode one hour after it was set, that is at five o’clock in the morning, as this was also verified by the Explosive Device Disposal Squad (TEEM), since one of the two clocks was found intact. When we called the newspaper, we made clear that there was a car trapped with 125kg of explosives in order to assure the evacuation of a large part of the area. As for the fact that the newspaper kept complete silence concerning the warning call, there are three possible explanations. First, the newspaper’s telephone operator did not inform anyone about the call, as he/she should. If that is the case, then we are dealing with either a criminal negligence of the specific employee or a deliberate choice on newspaper’s part, which overthrows journalists’ stance towards warning phone calls so far. On a different occasion, when we set an explosive device at Shell head offices and we tried to make a warning call to the newspaper ELEFTHEROTYPIA, the call center operator kept hanging up the phone, which made us decide then to call the police. Both incidents are extremely alarming as far as newspapers’ stance is concerned, and they can only make us wonder whether from now on the policy of the mass media in general is aiming at the instigation of casualties in order to slander our struggle and lead to the taking of special police measures. Concerning the Citibank blow, we made the phone call around 4.10am, which can be easily confirmed since all calls are registered by every company.
Our second guess is that the employee did inform both the police and the head of the newspaper. In this case, we are facing a combined misinformation effort by the paper TA NEA, the whole apparatus of repression as well as the government intended to create a feeling of insecurity for the citizens. If both scenarios mentioned above are true, which we hope not and expect the specific newspapers to deny in public any kind of interference, then we must seriously take into consideration the fact that we enter a new and an extremely dangerous era where state suppressive forces and media work together in order to generate a feeling of social insecurity and thus not only degrade our struggle but also create a consensus climate which will allow the application of totalitarian politics at the expense of the whole society. A third, yet uncommon, possibility is that the newspaper employee informed the police but neglected to inform the head of TA NEA.
This is the reason why at Citibank on Lavriou Str. we used cable instead of a time device, as we could be present at the time of the explosion and check the area for any passer byes. However, our intention is to keep using time bombs for our acts and inform the media ahead our blows so that these are executed with every precaution. So in case of any kind of obstruction regarding warning phone calls and building or area evacuations which will eventually put citizens’ safety in danger, we declare that police and the press medium that will have received the call are to be held solely responsible for any casualties. We also declare that we never proceed with a blow without having taken every possible measure to secure citizens’ safety, and in case mass media and authorities refuse to work to this direction we will respond accordingly. As George Orwell wrote in 1984, journalists use propaganda in order to project lie as truth, black as white and slavery as freedom. They claim that this act of ours was not aiming at the system but at society. According to the regime’s propaganda that they reproduce, if the explosion at the Citibank’s offices had been accomplished, it would have suffered a blow on two million citizens who live under the margin of poverty, all the people whose houses are seized by banks, on the thousands of unemployed, under paid workers, pensioners, pupils and young people, because all of them obviously share identical interests with the bank! This is what journalists claim!
For a long period of time, a fabricated notion has been spreading directed by state suppressive mechanisms and by major greek parties, both socialdemocratic PASOK and right wing conservative NEA DIMOKRATIA, while also reproduced and enriched by journalists, political analysts and «intelligentsia». According to them, our organization Revolutionary Struggle (E.A.) differs from the 17th of November (17N) and Revolutionary Popular Struggle (ELA), which – of course, after their inactivation – were believed to «have more specific goals and maintained some ideological pretence in contradiction with new generation organizations that realize blind strikes aiming at mass human losses and lack of any ideological background». Of course, it is no coincidence that many of those who reproduce this monstrous lie are the very same who in the past used to claim on TV links that 17N (when active) was just a «corporation of cruel criminals and assassins with no ideological background» and, compared to us, they are nowadays presented as «sheep» and «little angels».
Ruling class and mass media lie shamelessly. This tactic is part of an invariable propaganda unleashed by the state and its mouthpieces, through which revolutionists and regime opponents have always been presented as antisocial criminals. For many of our revolutionary actions there were unfounded allegations claiming that we were actually seeking mass civilian losses, with our bomb attack to the Ministry of Economy and Economics on December 2005 being the most characteristic example. Back then, despite the fact that we gave warning twice, police were incapable of locating the trapped motor bike and the bomb exploded before they managed to evacuate the area, which led to the luckily slight injury of two people. Again at first, they claimed that we tried to mislead the police having no regard for any casual victims. As we did then, we repeat once more that the targets selected by E.A. – material or “human”- are based on social and class criteria and they are associated with the political and financial elite, the Capital and State structures as well as the police who gives them protection, and not with everyday people.
However, the majority of the mass media is blaming us for attempted civilians’ deaths in a joined effort with the established parties to create a climate of social insecurity, whereas they “bury” the murderous attack by grenade against the Immigrants’ Meeting Place (TO STEKI) in Exarcheia, a district in the centre of Athens, known for its fighting spirit and most troubled by the police. This proves that apart from the fact that they undoubtedly approve state violence, they also consent to para-state violence through the provocative and suspicious tolerance they display. We believe that there will be more attacks of this kind given the fact that the state, due to the crucial character of the present period, has turned to its para-state back up (all kinds of fascist troops and cops).
As we are more and more drawn deeply into the swirl of international economic crisis, it becomes clearer that capitalism and market economy not only are systems that encourage blatant injustice and survive thanks to relentless exploitation, but they are also a social carcinoma that keeps growing at the expense of the society’s majority through its parasitic properties. Now that capitalism dodders and trust in markets and their way of function is lost, financial status is standing on the verge without having secured whether it will survive and on what terms.
System’s salvation calls for even harder sacrifices on behalf of the exploited. So, states and governments are determined to impose new austerity policies which will be harsher than ever, while they make sure that cruel repression mechanisms are ready for implementation in cases of intense social reaction and rebellion. Due to economic crisis, a series of riots has already taken place in many parts of the world. It all started when unsettledness in real estate and share market drove many cunning rentiers to bet on food stock markets in an effort to make as much profit as possible. As a result, an absurd and continuous increase in prices of primary necessities was triggered before the expected recession managed to cause an irreversible decrease in food prices.
Spring and summer of 2008 were marked by a series of riots over wheat, rice and corn after the stock market profiteering had multiplied prices within a few months’ time, and millions of people from the impoverished parts of the world were led to starvation. In Haiti, the violent demonstrations of the famished people (80% of the population lives under the margin of poverty) developed into an armed rebellion. Riots also broke out in Egypt, Indonesia, Pakistan, Philippines and Mexico. As crisis advanced, a number of countries, many of which were considered to be modern wonders of capitalism, fell down one by one. Iceland, Ireland (also known as celtic tiger until recently) and Hungary led the way of state bankruptcies, while social upheavals were already shaking countries of the so called new Europe such as Lithuania, Latvia, Bulgaria where fierce social reaction took place due to the austerity measures these governments wish to impose on the people by order of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and supranational economic powers. The December uprising in Greece had preceded them.
However, all these social eruptions are only the beginning.
When there were many who believed that greek economy was solid, in our manifesto for the attack on the Ministry of Economy and Economics in December 2005 we wrote that there was a strong possibility for worldwide economic crisis to break out and affect Greece as well:
«The need for the introduction of regulating factors to the globalized market is underlined by the financial “players” and members of the political elite, who realize that instability, being a main feature of neoliberal globalization, can cause serious lurches within capitalist societies and generate irreversible crises. These remarks were kindled by the economic crisis of 98, which proved that “asian tigers” were just made of paper. That crisis started out from southeastern Asia, spread out in many countries and gave the economies on the periphery and semi-periphery of capitalist system an extremely severe blow, while its worldwide expansion and intensity caught many market players off guard.
The fear of a new and even more intense and expanded crisis that could hit the seemingly impenetrable capitalist core is the main reason why the above mentioned economic and political arbiters study the introduction of regulations that will function as a safety valve for the markets and will facilitate the efforts for the globalization of economic and political system to carry on their course. As far as Greece is concerned, history itself has provided the evidence for the absurd drivel of local political power regarding the supposed strengthening of greek economy that followed the entry in European Union and euro-zone and the opening to international markets. The remnants of an already decaying productive structure are swept away by the competitive forces of the free market. At the same time, no perspective for the creation of new productive structures seems to be emerging, unless we manage to compete with China in wages as European entrepreneurs suggest. Moreover, the fictitious prosperity that for years was based on consumer loans comes to an end, and greek government keeps debiting the generations to come with an enormous national debt which year by year rises dramatically due to high interest rates that state offers in exchange of more loans.
In our opinion, Greece is in a very difficult position and we do not share the view claiming that being a euro-zone member works as a hedge against crises. The structural problems of “national” economy combined with system’s tendency to instability make a perfect ground for an impending economic crisis, and the geographic coordinates of its origin cannot be defined in advance».

Searching for the main culprits of the current major crisis, we cannot but, in principle, turn to the financial elite and its leading multi-national corporations, with international banking organizations being first in the list. Citigroup is such an international group – part of which is Citibank – with many subsidiaries and great involvement in a large number of companies worldwide.

It started out its activity in Greece back in the sixties, when multinationals and high international liquidity boomed. Its establishment was favoured by the country’s opening to international capital at that time as well as the course of internationalization that Greece had to follow in order to fit in the standards set by the entry in European Economic Community (today’s European Union). Citibank gradually developed into the most preferential partner of the greek government in different financial issues of significant value, such as the undertaking of greek bonds’ issue with preferential profits for Citibank. Greek government paid the bank off not only in cash but through the offering of key roles in state-run organizations, for which Citibank issued favourable reports from time to time, so as to raise their shares with a view to more profit, of course.

During socialdemocrat Simitis’s premiership, Citibank turned to its advantage the – planned to serve the supranational capital – devaluation of drachma (greek currency preceding euro), invaded the stock market along with other major investors contributing to the stock market big bang of ’99, and played a leading part in the looting of huge amounts coming from saving accounts that had then poured in the stock market. Following the collapse of stock market, Citibank came again to the fore with other foreign financial groups and bought out for a pittance a large part of the shares greek enterprises held. As a result, almost the whole of the greek economy was brought under the control of international capital. Consequently, Citibank expanded its control over many territories in eastern Mediterranean and the Balkans, and therefore, the bank’s administration here in Greece has been in charge of the implementation of parent Citigroup’s policy in a wide spectrum of neighbouring countries.

Moreover, Citibank has been the main consultant of greek state on privatizations and led the enforcement of neoliberal policy in our country in favour of public sector privatizations and the plunder of national wealth by capitalist giants. The said bank, apart from the profits it made from the greek bonds trade and repurchase of national debt, has already accumulated enormous profits coming from the loans granted to greek households, which have been systematically drained of their savings by every bank during the last years. We are dealing with one of the leading financial institutions with its partners being some of the post powerful families in the financial elite worldwide and the USA in particular. Citibank serves the interests of some of the wealthiest people in the world. This is the reason why institutions such as Citigroup or J.P. Morgan and Deutche Bank are hard to be abandoned to their fate and collapse, without governments doing anything possible in order to keep them alive. The flow of hundreds billions of euros, dollars and yen to the overgrown multinational usurious monstrosities constitutes an unprecedented – in the history of current economic system – transfer of wealth from social basis to financial elite, which was carried out by national governments and banks within a few months’ time. Due to crisis, the bubble of the fictitious economic size these organizations presented was eventually unveiled, and when “giants” such as Citigroup found themselves on the verge of collapse, they were placed under state’s protection for reforming and “sanitation” – a practice financed by taxpayers, of course – in order to be re-established in the game of the market afterwards. It is certain that huge amounts of cash will keep pouring in the bank’s drawers to balance their inestimable debts whereas some additional measures will be taken for the bailout of major shareholders’ profits. It is therefore decided that debts will be absorbed by national governments, and “bad banks” will be created where non-profitable investment “waste” will be thrown away, with the lives and the very existence of the society’s majority being mortgaged. Today, governments in Europe and USA may criticize in public banks’ administrations for the mismanagement and greediness their executives demonstrated, yet, they used to approve and support by every means the aggressive policy financial groups had been applying for decades, motivated by the greed for more profits. However, no one can overlook the fact that in the market economy greediness is the very essence of relations. It is the driving force of capitalism, the flame that sets off antagonism, yielding profit to capital and encouraging system’s growth. As investments competition has always been the power engine of capitalist development, greed will always be the propeller of economic system. And given that investment institutions competing with each other get bigger and bigger, it is only natural that speculation mainly based on loans grows completely out of proportion, and the bubble effect of all kind of debts keeps escalating.

Greediness is the principal value of capitalism, the one that marks the absolute amoralism of the system, deifies money, power and authority, hates every sense of solidarity, and scorns the value of human life. After all, system values only what shows profit. For the holders of the economic system’s leadership, no human being is worth a thing, and any social relation – not associated with the fractions of shared financial interests and the bonds developed within them – is of no value at all. Their indifference towards the world has reached a point where they can drive whole nations to starvation, poverty and death having no moral compunctions whatsoever. It is certain that there is not a single trader, stock broker or investor trafficking billions on a daily basis who feels guilty because a placement, for example on the raise of wheat price, may have caused the death of a number of people or has aggravated food crisis at the expense of millions more. This kind of people is intoxicated by their power rather than troubled with guilt. After all, it is known that during times of great profits they claimed to be and felt like «masters of the universe». Within a society alienated by amoralism and individualization as advocated by political and financial elite, they are considered to be respectable and accomplished professionals thanks to their assets. Yet, they will always be nothing but cruel criminals who make fortunes by sucking the blood of weak social groups. Their only concern is whether they are «well-positioned», or whether their bonuses are threatened and their fortune is augmented. It is of no importance what they trade. It can be mortgage loans, nations’ debts, petroleum or dried fruit. The maximization of profitability is what matters. And mass killings are «part of the game», if that is all it takes for high yields to be earned.

Today, greek government is begging on its knees the «honourable» investors to buy greek bonds, and the state is willing to pay the price in full, that is a huge interest rate. It is known that due to deficits and debts, Greece has turned into a «high risk» investment destination. That risk is reflected on the high loaning interest rate, which in turn is supposed to give the investors further security, regardless of the fact that increasing demands for loan settlements lead the country straight to bankruptcy. In Greece, as in many other countries, we live under an establishment of slavery, and the supranational capital struggles to enforce – by using debts and deficits as intimidation – the most atrocious conditions in taxation, labour, wages and pensions, conditions which no society could not and should not tolerate. In the same sense, societies should never allow public cuts, or the slow death of sectors such as public health and the shutting-down of hospitals to the advantage of major loan-sharks.

The criminals holding the reins of international money market have already assaulted the repurchase of debt aiming at large-scale speculation. At the same time, bets on the possible collapse of different nations are on the top of market’s preferences, whereas Citibank has taken up an aggressive speculation policy as far as greek bonds are concerned. In the end, there may be substantial investment return for the capital, yet, before long we will witness the bankruptcy of a number of nations being weighed down with debts, profiteering and political pressures for extended neoliberal adjustments.

Former greek conservative government of NEA DIMOKRATIA was willing to accept unconditionally every term imposed by the powerful capital no matter how unbearable it might be, enforce with fire and sword the most extreme orders indicated by the market and the servile political alliances such as European Union, and steep in blood the greek society in order to meet its obligations towards the creditors. Of course, government believes that markets will not abandon Greece on account of political reasons concerning the establishment’s stability within the country and the wider territory. Needless to say that, any other greek government would make the same choices. And by any, we do not refer only to socialdemocratic PASOK – the current ruling party – and conservative NEA DIMOKRATIA, parties that have been alternating in administration since 1974, but also to left coalition SYNASPISMOS and the communist KKE. As for extreme right LAOS, their political convictions and statements speak for themselves. In any other case, a political decision in favour of a once and for all repudiation of the national debt repayment would result in definite rupture with the markets, which is not among the goals all parties share.

The political will for a society free from the burden of national debt for good – a burden that we cannot and do not want to bear – is interwoven with the idea of a society determined to oppose to the whole of political status, clash with the economic and political system, and overthrow the regime that keeps us enslaved.

For all those reasons mentioned above, we apologize to the greek people for not blowing out Citibank’s headquarters.

Financial system has the greatest share of responsibility for the current situation the whole world faces. However, national governments, major corporations and central banks, which are the lackeys of foreign financial groups, are equally responsible. Today’s crisis is the result of a global economic scheme, designed by all the economic and political leaders of the system jointly, a scheme being the worst massive murderous operation in the history of mankind. Therefore, proletarians all over the world cannot take part in system’s salvation. We cannot allow them to make us pay for a crisis that state and bosses compare to a…storm, a natural phenomenon for which no one is to blame. We have no reason to help them bridge the gap crisis created between capital and society. On the contrary, we have the obligation to get rid of all the bastards in the economic and political leadership once and for all, so that mankind can eventually be delivered from those criminals.

Since we referred to economic strategics, we should become more specific. We believe that today’s crisis is so far the worst in the history of capitalism and the market economy. This is because it is the first true world crisis of such magnitude, which affects every aspect of economic activity and spreads all over the planet due to intense interdependence under the spectrum of economic globalization. In addition, despite the significant quality differences between current crisis and the crash of ’29, the present one is more severe because of both its amplitude and the fact that the system could be controlled much more easily in the past. Nowadays, the system has long been impossible to control while it has taken unthinkable dimensions and parameters inconceivable even for capitalists themselves. Therefore, neither capital itself nor state mechanisms, or international financial institutions and central banks can make a proper evaluation.

Although present crisis may have started with the collapse of mortgaged housing loans of low solvency in the USA, the cause that instigated it lies elsewhere. When the housing bubble emerged, an unprecedented crisis was set off concerning the solvency of banks and the financial instruments they employed, which were praized by every market during the golden ages of major profits. As risky loans were turned into securities and their resale caused the propagation of an inestimable debt to an endless series of financial factors (investments, insurances, pension funds…), trust in market was severely tested and finally gone. As a result, banks keep discovering new black holes of debts, enterprises being identified with the history of capitalism during the last 20 years are collapsing (e.g. Lehman Brothers), and major investors are withdrawing everything they can save from a market no longer reliable.

The days of high yields are gone and cash is drawn out of the market, which leads to the riskiest phase for the system indicated as liquidity trap. There is money but it is left out of the game since no investment seems to be profitable. As a consequence, supranational elite, who reveled in outrageous profits for years mostly through indirect methods of looting such as usury and stock markets, shut down the liquidity flow waiting for better days to come.

The domino effect of collapses in aspects of economic activity throughout the world as an outcome of the crisis is related to the fact that the huge bubble of global capitalist development is about to burst. This can be explained by the fact that all of the considerable economic sizes and upward forces of the market noted over the last decades were most of the time based on the circulation of massive amounts of fictitious capital, which created the conditions for a fake, or more precisely, a borrowed prosperity built upon a debt bubble that kept growing. As the bubble of world capitalist growth was stretching out in proportion to the bubble of american prosperity, the bursting of the latter swept away to its foundations the so far established model of growth, which was developed according to the principles of neoliberal globalization.

The bubble of world-wide capitalist growth started shaping many years ago, during the period that for many social democrats and lefts was marked as «golden age». We refer to the postwar period, when high business profits went along with satisfactory wages in labour, and capitalism seemed to enjoy this exceptional period of relative stability due to social and class compromise between capital and labour, realized by the decisive contribution of the left. As long as high wages did not threaten the margins of profit and as long as capital relied on the national markets for the promotion of its commodities and services, this odd social and class compromise was maintained into effect. During that time, capital managed to recover after its prestige had been severely damaged by two world wars and a major crisis. Following that, social and class compromise was no longer required and, yet more, it was detrimental to profits.

Multi-nationals were the outcome of postwar accumulations and they started gaining excessive ground in the 60s. The boom of multinational groups was accompanied by a series of repurchases and mergers through stock market speculation. In postwar time, a frenzied effort for surplus-value deriving from stock markets was for the first time initiated, and thus the first profit bubble was created. At that time, a new field started shaping for profits drawn through indirect looting methods provided by credit. In addition, a series of new financial fields and instruments started to build up with the «capital managers» making their initial appearance. The first stock market boom not only increased corporation profits in no time due to the gigantic expansion of multinationals, but it also managed to restore the class supremacy of capital over labour.

As a result of the capitalist growth of that period, the market filled with cash. The outrageous oil profits also contributed to a great extent. Mainly, it was U.S. banks that took over the recycling of petrol dollars, which flooded the market, with First National City Bank – as Citibank was known at that time – playing a leading role. The huge amounts of oil dollars that filled the cashiers of mostly american banks and the boom of multinationals opened up a new market, where euro dollars (dollars invested outside the USA) were easily granted as loans and they were not subjected to restrictions.

Through that opening, the stock market capital exerted the pressure it needed in order to achieve its liberation, and it practically managed to overcome any obstacles put in its way. What governments did was to politically validate this agreement in retrospect by providing the appropriate institutional framework, through which capital’s demand to develop independent operational activity without being subjected to state intervention, auditing and restrictions was recognized and accepted. It was the end of an era for state interventionism in markets and the dawn of neoliberalism, a historical changeover mainly owing to the economy and dynamics of capital and definitely not to a conspiracy drawn by certain neoliberal political figures.

The euro dollars market was formed at the same time the first oil crisis of ’73 broke out, and it boosted international loaning, which actually explains the steep rise of that period’s inflation. Under the pressure of international financial corporations that had gained enormous power during that period, states were committed to the preservation of profits against inflationary pressures, which were on the increase after the oil crisis of ’79, and workers experienced the first major assaults. Since then, national governments and central banks, with the american Federal Reserve (FED) being first in the list, adopted the monetary doctrine of Milton Friedman, who introduced the control of money supply. They intended to restrain wages and depress consumption in order to keep inflation down and the profits of ptutocracy safe.

It is the time when neoliberalism as applied governmental policy lined up against working class. The provisional contract of class peace between capital and labour was permanently disrupted and thrown away in the dustbin of historical waste. It is the moment when every battle won by the unions became history, with the days when unions claimed and to some extent achieved re-distribution of profits to the advantage of workers belonging to the past. Since capital launched its counter-attack against society, unions chose to align with the reformist parties of the left and social democracy instead of seeking final confrontation and victory upon system forces.
However, under the perspective of their accession to power, reformists put forward an endless series of defensive tactics aiming at the preservation of vested rights, and workers were led closer to a disastrous compromise and an interminable retreat, the aftermath of which we experience today, now that medieval working conditions have utterly prevailed.

Since the 70s, a handful of financial institutions, mostly of american origin, control the world capital flow and global market directly or indirectly through the enforcement of a raw concentration model that lacks of nothing compared to the violent and predatory model of primary concentration established in the dawn of capitalism.

The submission of the whole planet to the world of finance was followed by the development of a wide range of instruments employed in looting and the seizing of social wealth, such as stock investments, investment frauds with investment acts of high risk, repurchases and mergers through credit and stock control. An additional tool is the increase of debt in countries of the periphery and core of capitalism, which turns societies into serfdoms and the banks play the part of modern conquistadors.

During the 70s and under the pressure of euro dollars market, the accrued liquidity found its way out through the debt market. Within a few years’ time, the african nations located south of Sahara and the whole of Latin America received a large part from the stored liquidity in the form of loans, which were meant to be the damoclean sword for those vulnerable countries. For the big feast set up around international debt, american banks led the way with Citibank being a pioneer. In the 60s, the specific company introduced the aggressive policy of banks that claimed a share from the liquidity, while it put an end to the period of «psychological trauma», which banks suffered following the Great Depression and bankruptcies in the 30s.

The second postwar bubble started to shape. It was the debt bubble. And as some major speculators use to say «there is nothing more profitable than investing when the bubble has just started to build up». Commercial banks kept granting the underdeveloped countries substantial capital through loans having at their back governments, central banks and the IMF, of course.

Following the consequent rise in interest rates, debts of borrowing nations were multiplied in a few years. The countries of Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa were debited with amounts topping the whole of their national capital and assets.

When it was suggested that financial help should be granted to the countries which were most plagued by foreign debt, Citibank’s cynical chief executive of that period Walter Wriston stated that they should be punished and left without help because they could not meet their obligations to the banks. When those nations ended up financially stifled by the vultures of the banking system, the collapse of the financial system was for the first time threatened not by lack of liquidity, of course, but because bank solvency was shaken. Then Wriston reverted to the issue and claimed that «countries don’t go bankrupt», meaning that no matter how banks react, countries are supposed to be the guarantors of financial security.

While Africa and Latin America were weighing down with starvation and pestilence, and diseases started wiping out large populations, the IMF rallied to the support of banks by lending the over-debited nations the requisite capital so that loans could be settled and the collapse of banking system avoided. The «redeeming» IMF and World Bank loans were accompanied by several ghastly covenants in favour of the neoliberal reconstructing that the indebted countries should go under. On account of these terms, the countries were forced – after having wrecked any policy of social character – to sell out their assets to the supranational capital, which caused the downfall and devastation of every social economic activity within the country. The dictatorship of markets had just begun.

The drain on the resources of the underdeveloped countries was so intense that many of them were worn out, unable to supply multinational banks with capital any longer, and in 1982, the first international loaning wave of the 70s turned into the first post war international bank crisis. The loans granted by the IMF and the World Bank along with the conditions set, apart from not solving the problem, in many cases made things even worse.

When the debt bubble finally burst and many banks were threatened with collapse, the U.S. government intervened converting the remaining debt into bonds bearing the guarantee of the american state, and distributed them to thousands holders, which led to the spreading of credit risk. From these bonds – renamed to Brady bonds in honour of the U.S. Treasury Secretary Nicholas Brady who created them – the market of public bonds emerged, which not only prevented banks from collapsing, but also established a most promising field for drawing profits, where small and large ravens /capital holders rushed unreservedly. The state-supported prevention of collapse introduced operational freedom for the capital, and the predatory politics of financial elite encouraged and preserved concentration providing more safety for the system.

Boosted by technological revolution, neoliberal globalization has prevailed since the 80s and international capital markets have been established in the leadership of the system. At the same time, governments intensified aggression against societies so that class dominion of the capital was consolidated. Moreover, there was a substantial share of liquidity coming from the sucking dry of the workers and the looting of developed countries, while societies surrendered to the likes and dislikes of the markets, labour was «adjusted» to the demands of the capital and an extended bleeding white of western societies was already in progress. With stock markets being aflame, the second post war boom took place in the West. During that period, 80% of world capital was concentrated in the U.S., Western Europe and Japan. It is the time when loaning rose dramatically, new financial, risk-spreading, instruments were discovered promising security to investors, and the new generation of risky investors and investments was created through high loaning. It is the time when the new derivatives market was introduced – almost unknown before then – converting investments into feverish casino-style gambling. It is the time when the new culture of fast profits emerged, while reckless enrichment lacking of any moral compunction found its place in society along with the hallowing of exploitation and greediness. It is the time when individualization and the idea of war against all on the road to the acquisition of wealth and authority became the ruling doctrine of societies, which witnessed the worst historically undermining of all the relations based on the ideals of solidarity and mutual benefit. Political and financial leaderships forwarded the pursuit of individual prosperity as the ultimate goal, whereas private ownership became the holiest of all goods. The stock market boom was once again followed by collapse. Yet, the stock market crisis of late 80s did not suffer irreversible blow to the system as the financial support from states and central banks was generous once more. The crisis was «overcome» through hectic repurchases and mergers, which marked the flourishing of a new financial concentrationism and turned stock companies into the core of modern economic activity. Being accumulated in the capitalist metropolises, excessive liquidity has been constantly seeking for outlets and a new market has emerged. The market of loans granted to the households of capitalist centres was intended to satisfy the needs of «western man», which were created on his account by the market itself.

In the 90s, neoliberal globalization seemed as the ideal environment for the fiercest and most rapid over-concentration of financial power at the hands of financial elite, which then became invincible. The long-lasting transfer of wealth from social basis to the top of international financial hierarchy was unprecedented in the history of mankind. The assets of only fifteen wealthy men topped the Gross National Product (GNP) of the whole Sub-Saharan Africa, a handful of banks held and managed the largest share of international liquidity, and less than one hundred multinationals controlled the world production. Profits were accumulated within the financial globe, while private capitals gained outstanding mobility due to the complete operational freedom they enjoyed, and they took the form of investment portofolio, where short-term placements aimed at fast maximum returns. The exchange market, the derivatives market, stock markets and debt market became the favourite fields of the new rich in the world market.

The derivatives market is nothing more than bets on the trends and prices of a series of commodities and indexes, such as interest rates, currencies, food, raw materials, shares etc, and its rapid development was featured in the 90s. The whole nominal value of the assets in this market climbed from 5.7 trillions in the 90s to over 500 trillions of dollars nowadays, amount which relates to almost 800% of the world GNP. The largest part of this bet market is held by less than ten investment banks, with Citibank dominating the field.

Although during the 90s and in the beginning of the 00s the system of capitalism and market economy seemed to be impervious to any blows it suffered, the crises it faced had a huge financial and social impact on societies. In fact, the system was already moving sideways and while striving to recover from one crisis, another and more severe one was created.

Next in line as victims of the supranational capital were the countries of southeastern Asia. The attack launched by the markets against those territories was planned out and organized many years ago, and it was the largest operation for drawing capital from the periphery to the centre of capitalist metropolises. The leading part in that predatory raid was once again played by the banks of the developed European countries mostly, and all that remained was devastated societies, unemployment and escalation of poverty. The assault of supranational capital was concerted and speculation spread in the markets of housing, currencies, bonds as well as in any other field of the national economies where high returns could be earned. The debts of the countries started mounting and their balances showing deficits. When profiteering grew out of proportion and the sovereign currencies collapsed, capitalists balanced their accounts and vanished, leaving ruins behind them. Countries such as Thailand, South Korea, Malaysia and Indonesia found themselves in the swirl of a long-standing crisis, and the capitals rushed back to the safe – as they believed – shelters of capitalist metropolises abandoning the countries of the periphery. It was the turn of the territories in Latin America, South Africa and Russia to be drawn in the maelstrom of financial crisis.

The markets of the developed countries were not intimidated by the collapse. Instead, they were boosted by an unprecedented prosperity owing to the flood of capitals that poured in the metropolises of capitalism straight from the periphery. This prosperity was reflected on more profiteering and more bubbles. «New economy» was the «new breakthrough». A brand new field of fraud was introduced, within which innumerable enterprises were created overnight selling hot air and presenting fictitious economic sizes based on the stock market speculation. Collapse did not take long to approach and the fear of a general crisis right in the capitalist core this time was intense. Central banks attempted concerted interest rates decrease in order to achieve equilibrium of the market and increase in the liquidity. It is the time when bank loan granting rose dramatically and the market of mortgaged housing loans of low solvency flourished in the U.S., which market eventually collapsed when the poor american people could no longer stand the burden of the continuously expanding bank speculation.

A series of bubbles developed during the «spring» of neoliberal globalization – such as the powerful chinese growth and the El Dorado of the eastern European economies, where greek banks have also dug into like pigs in the mud squeezing out the societies of these countries – and will nowadays start to burst generating new and even more serious threats for the world financial and political stability.

What is actually going on is that the whole structure of capital concentration reached its limits and the collapse of the existing model of capitalist growth has begun. This is the result of an age long application of the most ferocious predatory tactics on behalf of the system, which has been drawing riches produced by the social basis, transferring it to the head of financial hierarchy. This is the reason why financial crisis has been festering for decades with societies suffering under the tyranny of capital, which became more and more ruthless as its globalization advanced. Capital acquired gigantic size with the support from governments and the international financial mechanisms such as IMF, and created increasingly severe crises one after another. The repeated crises generated by capital itself have devastated societies and encouraged the financial supremacy of elites and state powers. Financial leadership was driven by the illusion that – boosted by a powerful state rule – it can eternally draw profits ignoring the disastrous consequences of such a relentless social exploitation. The illusion was kept alive despite the fact that the financially most vulnerable sections of world population started experiencing one by one conditions of utter financial and social destruction. Now that crisis has affected the most vital functions of the system, and populations that until recently enjoyed a relative financial prosperity have suddenly been living on the fringe, it becomes more and more clear that the system of market economy and capitalism is not only downright unfair, but it is also non-viable and disastrous for the whole mankind and nature. Nowadays, an alternative financial and social organization is both morally imperative and imminently essential for the survival of us all.

In retrospect, while crisis sweeps everything threatening to tear down structures, mechanisms and alliances, former advocates of free markets coming from the side of either social liberals or neoliberals hastened to claim that «market’s competence in self-regulation was overestimated» and that «political intervention and control is imperative». Maybe the case for some of the political masters is that they have limited knowledge and ignorance of the system they serve. Yet, we believe that the great majority of them are simply liars and hypocrites who desperately try to cover up the frauds and deceits that they have been so far employing in order to deceive societies and disclaim all responsibility in the shaping of current world crisis. Mainly, they desperately strive to maintain the privileges of their authority, hoping that once more «the foolish people» will trust their good intentions to «help the country out of the crisis as gently as possible». All the more, it is truly outrageous that scum such as the former conservative government member Savvas Tsitourides claim in view of the crisis that «we cannot allow capital and bankers to lead the economy», when – among other things – he is known to have played a leading part in the bonds fraud set up by the sharp minds of the government along with the roguish tribe of brokers and bankers in order to rob the social security funds, which already collapse one by one. Of course, he is not the only one to play the judge of capital now, as most of the government leaders all over the world put up the biggest show of deceit and hypocricy, in sight of the rising social discontent.

Revert of all governments to the idea that state involvement in the economy needs to be reinforced is not related to the application of a policy with social awareness, which was soon perceived by most of the adherents of state interventionism. They eventually realized that liquidity shots and banks nationalizations, which are in progress, have nothing to do with the ridiculous statements spread through the press until recently about «Keynes’ justification», «return to social democracy» and other fibs. On the contrary, the state, being engaged in the disentanglement of capital concentration, will attempt to impose new and unheard-of measures for the ferocious exploitation of workers, and will maximize state violence towards society in an effort to pave the way for the dreadful era of utter totalitarianism following the crisis.

All those who till now believed in the humanization potential of the system, those who believed that societies can demand and improve the standards of living within the framework of rightful claims, they see before their eyes all the illusions collapsing about the margin the system allows in terms of action and opposition. They see the last defensive trenches of reformist left falling, and they realize that right here and right now everyone, with the exception of no one and regardless of their political convictions, must take a stand. They will either be hemmed in by regime’s legality or sincerely oppose to the establishment.

Our time seems to be extremely interesting and has to offer unique opportunities to those who want to fight. The crisis now in progress leads to the disintegration of the relation between capital and society and the elites are confronted with social majorities. The gap between authoritarians and subjugated masses gets bigger. This is the chance for a revolutionary movement to impede the new forms of negotiations between society and authority, fight any manipulation approach on social rage, and set the pace and the direction for social overturning. It is enough to realize that we do no longer live in the society of 2/3, laxity does not prevail and apathy is not in reign. System itself has assisted the death of illusions and has made possible the unveiling of cruelty that is indicative of the criminals in the financial and political authority.

In reply to those who claim that the conditions are still not ripe for the outset of a revolutionary procedure where armed fight is undoubtedly included, we suggest that the objective conditions, as defined according to an exposition of the system and the time period in question, were never better. The stripping of the predominant growth model from any pretence of social gullibility has caused a spreading crisis over its justification and it is turned into a menace to the governments all over the world without exceptions. The regime, due to the conditions it created itself, has entered a destabilization phase and has become extremely vulnerable to a wide and organized social and political stream that attempts to threaten it. Should someone who defines himself/herself as fighting individuality not be able to perceive the differences between present and past times, when neoliberal consent was in power, then he/she is either too ignorant to accept the reality of crisis – not paying attention to the quality differences of our age and insisting on a «routine struggle» – or is consciously taking an anti-revolutionary stance making room for the recovery of the establishment. Those who fall under the first category, being out of space and time, will find themselves trying to catch up with social events, unable to explain neither the facts nor present time itself. As for those who fall under the second category, they will probably find themselves opposite to the ones who will try to form a truly revolutionary movement, worthy of today’s calls.

Revolutions require two historical factors in order to take place. As we mentioned before, objective conditions are one of the parameters and they already exist. The second parameter is the subjective conditions, which consist of a wide revolutionary movement, determined to at all costs push on with a versatile overthrow plan in common with the revolting social sections. And we owe to ourselves to get this started right now, so that the crisis turns into system’s own grave.